[Statement] AFAD Statement on International Human Rights Day


10 December 2011

 

Impunity for Enforced Disappearance Must End NOW!

Today, as the world commemorates the 63rd International Human Rights Day, the Asian Federation Against Involuntary Disappearances or (AFAD) calls on all governments particularly those in the Asian region to stop enforced disappearance and to end impunity.

Enforced disappearance is considered one of the cruelest human rights transgression. It is a multiple and continuous violation of the basic human rights not only of the direct victims but also of their families and the greater society. It inflicts untold sufferings to the victims who are forcibly taken by agents of the States and denied access to legal safeguards by removing them from the protection of the law. It causes ill-effects to the victims’ families, not knowing the fate and whereabouts of their loved ones. Mothers, wives, and daughters are usually left without any means to tend their families. In South Asian context, wives of the disappeared are called “half-widows’ who are stripped of legal status to obtain pensions and other means of support.  Children of the disappeared equally suffer. They are deprived of a normal family and a good future. No doubt, enforced disappearance sows fear and terror in society.

Many governments employ this atrocious practice as a tool of state repression and political witch-hunt. It is a major human rights concern of more than 80 countries based on the 2010 report of the UN Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances, a thematic UN body created in 1980 to monitor the incidences of enforced disappearances worldwide. Many cases occur in Asian countries, the continent that submitted the highest number of cases.

The Asian region lacks a strong mechanism for redress.  There are no available domestic laws penalizing disappearance as a separate and autonomous criminal offense. Not only are cases of enforced or involuntary disappearances difficult to investigate and prosecute. They recur with each passing day in many Asian countries. Perpetrators can easily walk away from criminal accountability.

Efforts by several governments along with families of the disappeared and international human rights organizations have made possible the adoption of the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance in 2006 by the United Nations General Assembly and its consequent entry into force on 23 December 2010. To date, this international human rights instrument has 90 signatories and 30 States Parties.

It is but imperative for all states to accede to the international treaty against enforced disappearances without reservation and immediately adopt effective national laws to abolish this horrendous practice.

While these legal measures and mechanisms may not bring back the disappeared, they can certainly help in finding truth and justice and in preventing cases from happening again. It only takes one small step to have a leap of change.

Ending impunity should both be a demand and a call for unity and action.

For the disappeared and their families, the 63rd anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights will have deeper meaning through governments’ accession to the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance and the enactment of laws criminalizing disappearances and their full implementation.

 

Signed by:

MUGIYANTO
Chairperson
MARY AILEEN DIEZ- BACALSO
Secretary-General

[Statement] Statement on the International Human Rights Day – HRonlinePH.com


 

10 December, 2011

This year, we have all witnessed the transforming power o fsocial media. It has become a vehicle that stirred the ordinary people in every city across the globe to come together to claim for their rights and to effect change even in the face of violent repression.

Philippines is no exception. Social media in the country have already transcended from a mere venue for self-expression and entertainment to a source of alternative news and a platform for social connection, participation, or even political mobilization.

 

That is how HronlinePH.com came into being.

From a simple collaborative effort of individual human rights advocates to bring the different human rights advocacies online, we grew into a network of human rights activists whose shared motivation is to make human rights a reality for all. Using the available digital technology, we inform, inspire and mobilize the general public especially the underprivileged and the marginalized sectors to assert and defend their basic human rights.

 

And we will continue to perform this role.

We will keep on providing a space to show the plight of Filipino workers from the brunt ofunfair labor practices and job insecurity here and abroad. We will continue to voice the cry of farmers for genuine agrarian reforms. We will carry forward the rights of children even those who are in conflict with the law. We will never cease to expose the detrimental ecological effect of mining on land and water resources and the displacement of farming communities from their indigenous agricultural lands. We will advance the right for sexual orientation and gender identity against any forms of discrimination. We will continue to support the women’s right of choice and access to reproductive health. We will condemn at the highest level the act of torture, enforced disappearance and extrajudicial killings. We will reprove inhumane and violent demolition of informal settlers. We will stand side by side with the writers, artists, journalists in preserving the freedom of the press and expression. We will demand for a guarantee of standard of living with adequate social services free from corporate greed. We will steadfastly exercise and defend our rights offline and online.

Hence we will not leave any story untold.

We will keep every human rights issue a major topic of our blogs. We will cover our websites with news and updates on human rights situation. We will share photos and videos of actual footages that capture the reality on the ground. We will create a trend in twitter and facebook. We will swamp the chatrooms or form online fora or email groups to share and exchange information. We will be in every nook and corner of cyberspace whenever human rights are concerned.

We pose a challenge to the mainstream media, by bringing in new voices which previously had no outlet, and by putting human rights at the center of public discourse. We do not aspire to incite a revolution nor to lead one, but we intend to contribute in reshaping the texture of public opinion to get people involved in the movement for social transformation.

Today as we commemorate the International Human Rights Day 2011, we should keep in mind that human rights belong equally to each and everyone of us. It is what binds us together in a common humanity.

Because human rights are about all of us. Our lives are the message. Our views and actions are the medium.

Statement originally posted at http://hronlineph.com/2011/12/10/statement-putting-human-rights-online-moving-people-into-action/

[Reflection] The struggle of memory against forgetting


Promotional Poster of Beinte Singko. Image from http://www.tfdp.net.

By Darwin Mendiola

Speech delivered during the Opening Ceremony of Beinte Singko at UP Diliman

Remembering the Past is looking at the future

My organization, the Asian Federation Against Involuntary Disappearances is taking part in this memory project for the week-long celebration of the International Human Rights Day for one good reason. We believe a society that has experienced a traumatic politcal situation must preserve and come to terms with its past in order to rekindle and rebuild a hope for the future. To borrow the words of Milan Kundera that “the struggle of man against power is the struggle of memory against forgetting”. This, what I believe, is the main objective of Beinte Singko: The Festival of Memories, Creation of New Stories. This is especially true to victims of enforced disappearance.

“Hindi na po bago sa atin ang usaping ito. Marami na pong taga-UP ang naging biktima ng sapilitang pagkawala. Sino po ang makakalimot kina Atty. Hermon Lagman, Jessica Sales,  Rizalina Ilagan, Geraldo Faustino at marami pa na sapilitang iwinala sa ilalim ng Martial Law o nina Jonas Burgos, Sherlyn Cadapan at Karen Empeno na iwinala sa ilalim ng administrasyon ni Gng. Arroyo. Isa po itong karumaldumal na paglabag sa karapatang pantao.”

Enforced disappearance is one of the cruelest forms if not the cruelest violation of human rights that humanity has ever experienced. It is a multiple and continuous violation of the basic human rights not only of the direct victims but also of their families as well as the larger society.

It inflicts enduring and untold sufferings to the victims as they are removed from the protection of the law and denied access to legal safeguards. They are often tortured and in constant fear for their lives and haplessly put at the mercy of their captors. Sometimes, they are murdered without leaving any shred of evidence.

It also brings ill-effects to the victims’ families for not knowing the fate and whereabouts of their loved ones. They are placed in limbo between hope and despair, praying and waiting, pleading and demanding for answer that may never come. They are not only deprived of the right to mourn but also to find closure.

Enforced disappearance has a particular devastating impact on women and children. For women who are usually left behind to tend the families, they often bear the brunt of the serious economic hardships. They are dispossessed of legal status to obtain pensions or other means of support because of the absence of death certificate. When women are victims of disappearance themselves, they are particularly vulnerable to sexual and other forms of violence. The children of the disappeared are also victims. The disappearance of a child or the loss of a parent as a consequence of enforced disappearance, are serious violations of child’s rights.

It also causes fear and terror among the people belonging to the same community.

Enforced disappearance was first introduced by the Nazis during the Second World War under the Nacht und Nebel (Night and Fog) Decree where hundreds of thousands of people were made to disappear throughout Nazi Germany’s occupied territories. It spread around the world and has become one of the wicked features of military dictatorships and authoritarian regimes particularly in the Latin America.

Enforced disappearance continues to happen globally.

“Patuloy po itong nangyayari sanmang sulok ng mundo.”

Many governments still employed this atrocious practice as a tool of state repression and political witch hunt. It is a major human rights concern of 83 countries around world based on the 2010 report of the UN Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances, the first thematic UN body created in 1982 to monitor the incidences of enforced disappearances worldwide. Many of these cases occur in 27 countries of Asia, a continent that has the highest number of cases submitted to the UNWGEID in recent years. Unfortunately, Asia lacks a strong regional mechanism for redress and no domestic laws penalizing disappearance as a separate and autonomous criminal offense. This condition perpetuates a climate of impunity that allows perpetrators to escape accountability.

The very existence of the Asian Federation Against Involuntary Disappearances (AFAD), a regional federation of organizations of the families of the disappeared and human rights advocates working directly on the issue of enforced disappearance in Asia, refutes the claim of many states that enforced disappearance is already a thing of the past and merely a Latin American experience.

 A Regional Response in the Struggle against Impunity

In Asia, enforced disappearances remain widespread and unabated.  The narrowing democratic spaces in many Asian countries have consequently resulted to the alarming increase of human rights violations in the region including enforced disappearance.

While many governments in Asia have started to democratize and recognize human rights as an important cornerstone of governance, there is still a wide disjoint between the state policies and day-to-day practices. It is the state’s overemphasis on security and stability continues that creates a huge roadblock in the development of human rights. The war on terror policy is one of the most convenient excuses for the brazen disregard human dignity and freedom.

What makes the situation all the more difficult is the absence of regional as well as national human rights mechanisms which are necessary recourses for redress. The struggle of the organizations of families and human rights organizations in their respective countries in the fight for accountability and the end to impunity has given birth to Asia-wide federation as a cogent response to the phenomenon of disappearances in the region.

Our efforts together with the similar formations in other continents have made possible the recognition of the importance and urgency to forge a global response through the adoption of the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance in 2006 by the United Nations General Assembly and entered into force on 23 December 2010. To date, this international human rights instrument has 90 signatories and 30 States parties. However, only 13 of these States Parties have recognized the competences of the Committee.

Thus AFAD has continuously campaigned for the signatures and ratifications of the Convention and for its eventual universal application.

The domestic road towards the universal protection against Enforced Disappearance

In the Philippines, one glaring problem for its continuing commission is the complete lack of accountability. Not only that cases of enforced or involuntary disappearance are by their very nature difficult to investigate and prosecute, it persisted and has been carried out with total impunity. The perpetrators of this heinous offense have absolute impunity because there is no physical evidence extant to pin the blame on any person. This proves that the existing legal measures that provide safeguard for lives and liberties are inadequate and insufficient to combat impunity.

For almost two decades, the organization of families of the disappeared and other human rights groups have steadfastly lobbied Congress to enact a law defining and penalizing enforced or involuntary disappearance.  It was filed and re-filed in Philippine Congress but lamentably was not acted on by previous Congresses.

The Philippine bill against enforced disappearance is one of the two existing bills in Asia. The other one is in Nepal. If enacted into law by the Philippien government, it will be the first anti-enforced disappearance law in region and can set a good example to other Asian governments.

However, it has just recently that it sees the light of day with approval of the Senate on its third and last reading the Senate Bill 2817 on July 26 and the adoption of the Joint Committees of Human Rights and Justice of the approved House Bill 5886 on August 17 as a substitute bill for plenary deliberations.

This is indeed a welcome development. But it also give us more reasons to continue our work as we continuously urge Asian governments to immediately sign and ratify the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons Against Enforced Disappearance without reservation and to enact a domestic legislation without further delay.

There are at least 10 reasons why government should do so:

  1. Both measures define the act enforced or involuntary disappearance. It limits commission of forced disappearance to deprivation of liberty for political reasons by agents of the State or by private persons or group of persons acting with the authorization, support or acquiescence of the State. It is the recognition that the state is duty bound and has the primary obligation to promote, protect and fulfill the rights of its people;
  1. Both consider enforced disappearance as a continuing offense as long as the perpetrators continue to conceal the fate or whereabouts of the disappeared person and such circumstances have not been determined with certainty. This means that an act of enforced disappearance committed in the past continue to occur until the fate and whereabouts of the victim is verified and that that the prosecution of persons responsible for the enforced disappearance shall not prescribe unless the victim surfaces alive, in which case the prescriptive period (in this case 25 years) shall start to run from the date of his or her reappearance;
  1. Both are consistent with the principle of command responsibility. It holds the immediate hold any person involved in an enforced disappearance criminally responsible, as well as their superiors who knew or should have known what they were doing, and should have prevented, investigated and punished the subordinates for wrongdoing. The disputable presumption of knowledge by the superior of the acts of the subordinate and to eliminate the presumption of regularity in the performance of official duties in prosecution of cases involving enforced disappearance;
  1. Both guarantee the non-derogability of rights against enforced disappearance. This means that the right of any person not to be subjected to enforced disappearance and no exceptional circumstances, not even a state of war, may be invoked as justification;
  1. Both clearly differentiate between enforced disappearance committed as part of a massive or systematic practice and that of isolated and sporadic cases committed outside of the context of armed conflict. Thus it characterizes enforced disappearance as a crime against humanity only when the actions involved are committed within the framework of a massive or systematic practice and otherwise considered as an international crime;
  1. Both provide a number of protection and preventive measures such as to require official Up-to-date register of all persons detained or confined; to visit to or inspection of all places of detention by the National Human Rights Institution; to institute stringent safeguards for the protection of people deprived of their liberty; declare unlawful an order from a superior officer or a public authority causing the commission of enforced disappearance and therefore such order cannot be invoked as a justifying circumstance; prevent the accused from influencing the investigation and prosecution of the cases, the bill provides for his/her preventive suspension upon the filing of the information or complaint in the proper court; and the guarantee of non-refouler;
  1. Both recognize the rights of victims as well as the duties of the state to investigate, to prevent and to hold the perpetrators accountable. Both provide specific rights to the victims such as the right of a person under detention; free access to information by families, lawyers or human rights organizations at most expedient means without restrictions or court order; and rights to receive indemnification, medical care and rehabilitation. It also bestows duties to the state such as to certify in writing on the results of Inquiry into the reported disappeared person’s whereabouts; duty of inquest/ investigating public officer or any judicial or quasi judicial employee; provide appropriate medical care and rehabilitation; and to render monetary compensation to the victims and ensure restitution of their honor and reputation. The Philippine government is likewise duty bound to comply with the obligations arising from treaty bodies in which Philippines is a state-party;
  1. Both requires the state to train  law enforcement personnel on the content of the law and the absolute prohibition to commit enforced disappearance;
  1. Both exclude any investigation, trial, decision for any other legal or administrative process before the appropriate international court or agencies under applicable international human rights and humanitarian law from double jeopardy rule; and
  1. Both have an Oversight Committee to ensure compliance with the provision of the law and/ or the treaty.

Establishing these legal measures and mechanisms both at the international and national level is just one big step towards ending impunity for human rights violations. This step may not bring back to life those who are made to disappear but these will certainly help prevent others from suffering the same fate, sparing their families from the perpetual agonies of the uncertainty and freeing the society from fear. Thus, the struggle against forgetting and the struggle against impunity must go on…

[Video] Philippines: Extrajudicial Killings – youtube


During his campaign for president, Benigno Aquino III pledged to end serious violations of human rights in the Philippines. Yet since taking office on June 30, 2010, the Philippine military continues to be implicated in apparently politically-motivated extrajudicial killings—deliberate unlawful killings by state security forces—and enforced disappearances. These abuses persist in part because of the Philippine police‘s failure to conduct thorough and impartial investigations, particularly when evidence points to military involvement.

- Human Rights Watch

Read more: http://globalspin.blogs.time.com/2011/07/19/extrajudicial-murders-are-a-blot-on-noynoy-aquinos-year-in-power-in-the-philippines/#ixzz1YjZMs41m

[Reflection] The Lesson of History


Defying the dictator. Photo from bulatlat.com

There is a saying that says “those who forget the past are doomed to repeat it.” But I believe that those who learn from the lesson of history can create their own.

Yesterday was the commemoration of the 39th anniversary of Martial Law. For the younger generation, it maybe just one of the blurred pages in our history books, but for those who have witnessed these dark moments, it is certainly unforgettable.

Others might think that Martial law was not bad as it seemed but it is no doubt remains the symbol of oppression and repression in the country. It was the deathbed of our country’s freedom and democracy.

But after almost three decades, nothing seems to change.

Human rights violations are still rampant. Political beliefs and activities may appear to be tolerated but these are still the main reasons why activists are still put under surveillance, arrested, detained, forcibly disappeared or even killed. Although, there are now judicial remedies and human rights legislation that are supposed to provide better human rights protection but prosecution and conviction of human rights cases are still almost nil. Many if not all of the perpetrators of the past and recent violations remain scot-free while the victims and their families continue to suffer the consequences of their traumatic experiences.

We may now have the freedom of the press but many journalists have to spill their own blood for exposing the truth.

Many are still poor because the inequitable distribution of wealth is just getting wider. Development is meant to put people deeper in the mire of poverty. Our natural resources are no longer the country’s wealth but commodities for international capital and market.

Congress is now back in business but most of the time, it is still subservient to the interest of those who hold the nation’s coffer.  In fact, the Marcoses who are still enjoying the fruits of their ill-gotten wealth are back in the corridor of power.

We may have another Aquino in Malacanang but he is keen of preserving his name than preserving democracy.

Martial Law may be synonymous to a nightmare. But it made the Filipinos dream for a just, humane and free society. It made them value themselves, their dignity, their freedom and their rights. It ignited within themselves the fire of revolution that paved the road to EDSA and the downfall of the Marcos dictatorship.

Martial law may still be a painful memory. But it serves as a reminder for all of us that the real power lies in us.

The only way to ensure that Martial Law will not happen again nor by any chance it will rear its ugly face once more is for us to know our rights, to stand and defend these rights through individual and collective actions.

History is said to be unfolding.

But we should not let it move by itself.

We have to create it.

[Reflection] Discussion on my recent blog article


Book on Non-State Accountability under International Humanitarian Law. Photo from iihl.org

Danny Carranza: Darwin, good read. However, i disagree. Non-state armed groups should be held equally liable for human rights violations, especially by those who profess to respect human rights. Distinctions between violation and abuse may not even matter to victims. And from the point of view of many victims of human rights violations, they know that the their experiences constitute human rights violations.

Danny Carranza: This should have read: This is what a group called CALASAG said in their position paper during the deliberation on the anti-torture bill. The 1998 Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, which is considered the highest development of international criminal law so far, both torture and enforced disappearance are key specific acts which may be committed as part or elements of a crime against humanity, under its Art. 7, par. 1 (f) and (i). The Rome Statute definitions of the crimes of genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes – “the most serious crimes of concern international community as a whole” – are not limited to commission by state agents. In fact, the very first case prosecuted in the ICC is against leaders of a NSAG, the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) of Northern Uganda.

Darwin Mendiola: Danny, that’s a good point…

Darwin Mendiola: But my reflection is quite clear… when it involves the attack against the civilian, it falls to the category of human rights transgression. while the atrocities committed by warring parties against each other, it is a breach of the law of war.

Darwin Mendiola: I don’t think we have different concept of what victims of human rights violations are. I agree that regardless of the perpetrator as long as it is in the context of power relation, victim must be accorded with rights to remedy and justice…

Darwin Mendiola: However, we must understand that state and non-state actors are not in the same footing… we expect a greater level of responsibility from the state than the non-state actors. There are outlaws in the first place and not bound by the same legal obligation. But of course, we must demand from the state the accountability of NSA for their wrongdoings…Adherence to human rights is what differentiate NSA from common criminals. So if they don’t adhere with this principle…there is no reason to dignify their criminal act

Danny Carranza Thanks for the education, Darwin. But in fact, some non-state actors profess to be better than the current state in their observance of human rights standard. This is the reason they want to topple the state. In regard to the CPP NPA, they have entered into an agreement to respect hr-ihl under the CARIRIHL.

Danny Carranza: So how do we describe the violations under CARHRIHL? The NPAs abuse human rights and the Ph government violate human rights?

Danny Carranza: Again, I quote from the CALASAG position paper:

Danny Carranza: The CARHRIHL is in fact an agreement whereby a non-state binds itself with an obligation to respect, protect and fulfill human rights. If they themselves consider it an obligation, why do we hold on to the traditional view that only state actors can be held liable for human rights violations?

Danny Carranza: Violations under CARHRIHL are VIOLATIONS, not simply abuse of human rights. And both the Ph government and the CPP-NPA-NDF should be held liable when such violations occur.

Darwin Mendiola: Danny, sorry if i did not able to reply to you earlier… Anyway, I think we are in the same page in understanding NSA accountability. I believe that the CARHRIHL sets legal obligations on both the state and non state…. There is no question about that… But again,the convergence of HR and IHL is the protection of civilians caught in the war. It does not cover the actual atrocities between parties as a result of war. Besides, its enforcement is limited to the peace talks…Its ironic that monitoring and investigation are on the hands of both parties in a joint body… HR is not a subject of negotiation.

Darwin Mendiola: HR should not be a subject of any political negotiation… It is inherent and universal. the problem with CAHRIHL is that it is meant to be a political tool rather than a legal binding instrument…

Danny Carranza: But that is precisely how concepts and eventually major international treaties on human rights evolved: through political negotiations, although primarily by signatory states. The process of discourse making, including human rights discourse is essentially a political process. I would surmise that there were a lot of political actions and negotiations which took place before we, as Filipinos, were allowed to vote, years after the right of suffrage as a human right was deemed universal.

Darwin Mendiola: Danny, i definitely agree with you… it is indeed a historical fact…that any concepts whether political or legal including human rights evolve through negotiation. but when it becomes a socially accepted principle…it is already a law that requires enforcement… in terms of CAHRIHL, the fact that it is already agreed upon by two parties… it should be enforced… not through negotiation but through established institutional mechanisms… because if it remains to be a subject of negotiation… it defeats its own purpose of providing protection…Besides practically, it is the state which has greater responsibility to enforce such agreement than their counterpart…

Danny Carranza: When your concept of human rights is set in stone, i dont think there is any room for the evolution of that concept. It is precisely because our appreciation of human rights is evolving that we continuously negotiate. If you mean that violation of human rights by non-state actors has yet to become socially acceptable, maybe its because you dont accept it yourself.

Darwin Mendiola: Danny, don’t get me wrong…. I do recognize that NSAs are equally capable of human rights abuses… i believe my blog article was very clear on that. My only argument boils down to the question, when do we consider a violation an affront to human rights. My position as what i have put forward in my blog is that when it is an attack against the civilian whether it is perpetrated by the state or by NSAs. But when the atrocities are between warring parties (or combatants), those only fall to the category of war crime. I believe this analysis is consistent with Rome Statute and all other international human rights instruments. I personally welcome the ratification of the Rome Statute of the Philippine government. It will certainly provide better protection fro human rights against the abuses of the state and the NSAs. But again, i would like to reiterate that the aim of IHL is to strike a balance between military necessity and humanitarian concerns. It converges with human rights standards when the powerless civilians are the ones who bear the brunt of war…

[Reflection] Demanding for Justice


Portrait of disappeared Redemptorist priest, Fr. Rudy Romano

Where is Fr. Rudy Romano?

This was the same question asked by the families, friends and colleagues of the Redemptorist priest, Fr. Rudy Romano when he was abducted by armed men in Barangay Labangon, Cebu City exactly 26 years ago on July 11. After more than two decades and five administrations, this question is yet to be answered and his disappearance remains a mystery until now.

I got to know the disappearance case of Fr. Rudy when I joined the Asian Federation Against Involuntary Disappearances (AFAD) as a member of its Secretariat in 2007. His name was one of the documented cases of the thousands of Filipino Desaparecidos during Martial law.

Desaparecido is a Spanish term which refers to a victim of enforced disappearance which occurs when a person is deprived of liberty in any forms by the agents of the state followed by the refusal to disclose information of the fate and whereabouts of the victim which in effect put the person outside the protection of the law.

For the younger generations, his name and those of others may not anymore ring a bell. But for those who have valiantly fought against the late dictator, he was considered a martyr. For whatever democratic space and freedom that we have now, we owe it to Fr. Rudy and those who selfishly sacrificed their lives for the good of all.

Remembering them will not be enough. But demanding justice for them is not only deserving but already long overdue.

With another Aquino holding the rein of sovereign power, we can’t but expect his government to finally put closure to the disappearance of Fr. Rudy and all other victims of human rights violations in country. It is a responsibility he inherited from past administrations. This, he owes to the nation.

Unless truth is established and justice is rendered to all victims, Pnoy’s matuwid na daan will only be an empty promise.

[Reflection] Pnoy’s first year not a straight path for people’s rights and welfare


Pnoy delivers speech during his first year celebration at Ultra. Photo from talakayanatkalusugan.com

The first year of President Aquino in office for many is quite a disappointment as it falls short of the expectation to improve people’s welfare and the human rights situation in the country. The people’s welfare and human rights are obviously not part of the new government’s top priorities in the past 12 months.

How P Noy fared during his first year mirrors that of the real state of the nation. While I recognize that the new administration has just inherited from its predecessor the heavy burden of a huge budget deficit, but after a year in office, change appears far from reality.

As the economy is slowly declining, joblessness remains high, and poverty continues to deepen, President Aquino seems to avoid facing the critical issue of land reform and agricultural modernization. These are fundamental reforms which the basic sector, the small farmers in particular, have been demanding from every sitting president. Instead, he is prioritizing mining — just like his predecessor did – which is not only said to be destructive to the environment but also infringes the basic human rights of the indigenous communities inhabiting the areas near the mining sites.

While the Filipino people’s living condition did not only change, those who are asserting their rights are also continuously being violated. Anti- mining groups claimed that anyone who opposes mining companies is quite likely to end up missing or dead. It is seen as a pattern that whenever there is mining operation, there would be extensive military deployment and escalation of human rights violations in the mining affected areas. It is like silencing a dog by poking it with sharp end of the stick.

Human rights violations continue to happen with impunity under the Pnoy administration. While efforts to improve and professionalize the investigation and prosecutorial system are said to be underway, police investigations remain fraught with delays and impediments. Until now, no single perpetrator is yet to be held accountable for human rights violations, and the government has done little to discipline the erring members of its security forces.

The Oplan Bayanihan which adopted a paradigm shift by the military from the combat-focused approach it used in the past to a human security or “people-centered” approach aims at least in paper to give greater attention to the needs of the citizens and the effects of military operations in the communities instead of pursuing armed rebels. But the continuing military presence and abuses on the ground in many provinces make it quite difficult to ascertain when Oplan Bantay Laya ends and Oplan Bayanihan begins. One can only think that this new security plan is no different from the other, except perhaps for a different name.

I believe that the promised change of daang matuwid (straight path) of the Aquino administration can’t be achieved without the guarantee of respect to human rights and dignity and ending impunity.

It is about time for President Aquino to walk the talk.

The straight path where he envisions of leading the nation should be a road that guarantees human rights for all.

But if it is a path where there are people who are only extra-legally killed or forcibly disappeared, subjugated by repressive laws, mired by poverty and ignorance, it will surely lead the nation to nowhere but doom.